Home Opinion 2 countries, 2 states of emergency: Political undercurrents in Nigeria, South Korea

2 countries, 2 states of emergency: Political undercurrents in Nigeria, South Korea

16 min read
0
0
13

The past few months have seen dramatic political developments in South Korea and Nigeria, two nations grappling with internal crises that have tested the resilience of their democratic institutions. In South Korea, President Yoon Suk Yeol’s short-lived declaration of emergency martial law in December 2024 triggered a swift backlash, culminating in his impeachment by the National Assembly.

Meanwhile, in Nigeria, President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State on Tuesday, 18 March, accompanied by the suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his deputy, has raised questions about executive overreach and the safeguarding of democratic principles.

For us at The Rainbow Strategy, this analysis delves into the political undercurrents driving these events and examines the critical role of Nigeria’s National Assembly in ensuring that Tinubu’s actions align with the Nigerian Constitution and bolster, rather than undermine, democratic development.

South Korea: A Crisis of Executive Overreach and Democratic Resilience

South Korea’s political turmoil in December 2024 stemmed from President Yoon Suk Yeol’s decision to declare emergency martial law on 3 December, accusing the opposition-led National Assembly of paralysing governance through “anti-state activities” and “plotting rebellion.” Yoon’s move was rooted in a deepening rift with the Democratic Party (DPK), which has controlled the legislature since 2020 and consistently thwarted his conservative agenda. Facing legislative gridlock, scandals involving his wife, and a plummeting approval rating, Yoon resorted to martial law as a desperate bid to consolidate power—an action widely interpreted as an attempted self-coup.

The declaration, however, lasted a mere six hours. The National Assembly, leveraging its constitutional authority, swiftly overturned the order on 4 December, with lawmakers from both the opposition and Yoon’s own People Power Party (PPP) uniting in defiance. This rapid response underscored South Korea’s democratic resilience, honed through decades of struggle against authoritarian rule. By 14 December, the Assembly impeached Yoon, suspending him from office pending a Constitutional Court ruling. The political undercurrent here reveals a clash between an embattled executive and a legislature determined to protect democratic norms, amplified by public outrage over Yoon’s authoritarian overtones, which evoked memories of past military regimes.

Yoon’s gambit failed due to several factors: a robust constitutional framework under the 1987 Constitution, a politically engaged citizenry, and a military that refrained from backing the president’s overreach. The aftermath has plunged South Korea into uncertainty, with acting leadership under Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok and the spectre of prolonged instability until a final court ruling or a new election. This episode highlights how democratic institutions can counter executive excess when supported by public and legislative resolve.

Nigeria: Rivers State and the Spectre of Centralised Control

In Nigeria, President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State reflects a different but equally significant political dynamic. The crisis, escalating since July 2023, pits Fubara against his predecessor and political godfather, Nyesom Wike, now Tinubu’s Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). Their fallout has fuelled governance paralysis, factional violence, and legislative chaos in Rivers State, culminating in Tinubu’s intervention: suspending Fubara and his deputy, Ngozi Odu, for six months, appointing Vice Admiral Ibot-Ette Ibas as sole administrator, and excluding the judiciary from this punitive measure while targeting the state House of Assembly.

Tinubu’s justification — a devastating explosion on the Trans-Niger Pipeline (TNP)—appears secondary to the political motivations at play. The TNP incident, while serious, provided a convenient pretext for decisive action in a state critical to Nigeria’s oil economy and Tinubu’s political base within the All-Progressives Congress (APC). Notably, Tinubu’s decision to solely blame Fubara while exonerating Wike suggests a strategic alignment with the latter, a powerful APC figure whose influence in Rivers State remains formidable. This selective framing hints at a broader undercurrent: the use of emergency powers to settle political scores and reinforce centralized control over a fractious federation.

Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution grants the president authority to declare a state of emergency under Section 305, but only with National Assembly approval within two days if the Assembly is in session, or ten days if not. Tinubu’s suspension of elected officials and appointment of a sole administrator — a military figure — echoes Nigeria’s history of military rule, raising concerns about democratic backsliding. The exclusion of the judiciary from suspension, while notable, does little to mitigate the perception of executive overreach, especially given the sidelining of the state legislature, a key democratic institution.

Comparative Political Undercurrents

The two scenarios reveal distinct yet overlapping political undercurrents. In South Korea, Yoon’s martial law declaration was a direct assault on legislative authority, met with immediate resistance from a unified National Assembly and the public. The undercurrent was one of democratic pushback against authoritarian relapse, facilitated by a mature constitutional system. In Nigeria, Tinubu’s actions in Rivers State reflect a more calculated consolidation of power, exploiting a localised crisis to favour political allies and suppress dissent. Here, the undercurrent is one of centralised dominance within a federal structure, testing the limits of constitutional checks and balances in a democracy still shadowed by its authoritarian past.

South Korea’s crisis was resolved swiftly due to institutional strength and public vigilance, while Nigeria’s remains unresolved, with the potential for prolonged tension unless checked by legislative oversight. Both cases underscore the fragility of democratic norms when executives wield emergency powers, but Nigeria’s situation is complicated by its ethnic diversity, federal complexities, and weaker institutional cohesion.

The Role of Nigeria’s National Assembly in Safeguarding Democracy

Nigeria’s National Assembly—comprising the Senate and House of Representatives—plays a pivotal role in ensuring that Tinubu’s actions in Rivers State do not undermine the Nigerian Constitution or democratic development. Under Section 305(6)(a), the Assembly must approve any state of emergency within the stipulated timeframe, providing a critical check on executive power. Beyond this procedural duty, the Assembly’s broader mandate includes protecting the federal structure, upholding the separation of powers, and fostering democratic accountability. To fulfil this role effectively in the Rivers State crisis, the Assembly should consider the following:

  1. Scrutinise the Legal Basis and Proportionality: The Assembly must rigorously assess whether the TNP explosion and political crisis justify a state of emergency, or if Tinubu’s response disproportionately infringes on Rivers State’s autonomy. The suspension of elected officials and imposition of a sole administrator require clear evidence of a breakdown in governance that cannot be addressed through less drastic means.
  2. Ensure Inclusivity and Transparency: The Assembly should hold public hearings to investigate the crisis, summoning Fubara, Wike, and other stakeholders to testify. This would counter Tinubu’s unilateral narrative blaming Fubara and expose any partisan bias, fostering public trust in the process.
  3. Protect Legislative Autonomy: By suspending the Rivers State House of Assembly, Tinubu has curtailed a vital democratic institution. The National Assembly must assert its authority to reinstate or safeguard the state legislature’s functions, preventing a precedent of executive dominance over elected bodies.
  4. Uphold Federal Principles: Nigeria’s federal system balances power between the central government and states. The Assembly should ensure that Tinubu’s intervention does not erode state sovereignty, particularly in a politically sensitive region like Rivers, where ethnic and resource tensions amplify the stakes.
  5. Monitor Implementation: If the emergency is upheld, the Assembly must oversee Ibas’s administration to prevent abuses of power, ensuring that the six-month period does not become a tool for entrenching APC control or silencing opposition voices.

Failure to act decisively risks normalising executive overreach, weakening Nigeria’s democratic institutions, and deepening public disillusionment—a trend evident in declining voter turnout and trust deficits since the 2023 elections. The Assembly’s response will signal whether Nigeria’s democracy can withstand the pressures of political expediency and historical legacies.

In conclusion, the tales of South Korea and Nigeria in late 2024 and early 2025 illustrate the precarious balance between executive authority and democratic accountability. South Korea’s National Assembly demonstrated how swift, unified action can thwart authoritarian impulses, offering a lesson for Nigeria. In Rivers State, President Tinubu’s emergency declaration navigates a murky line between crisis management and political manoeuvring, with significant implications for Nigeria’s federal democracy. The Nigerian National Assembly stands at a crossroads: it must rise above partisan divides to enforce constitutional limits, ensuring that Tinubu’s “big stick” does not fracture the democratic foundation.

For The Rainbow Strategy, these events underscore the need for strategic communication that amplifies legislative oversight and public engagement—key pillars for sustaining democracy in turbulent times.

This opinion piece is written by Ginger-Eke, a public affairs and strategic communication expert. He is the founder and chief strategist of The Rainbow Strategy. The Rainbow Strategy, a public affairs and strategic communication firm based in Abuja, is committed to helping organisations navigate complex political, regulatory, and public policy environments with integrity and insight

Email: info@therainbowstrategy.ng

Load More Related Articles
Load More By Franklyn Ginger-Eke
Load More In Opinion

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Check Also

Nigerian politics under Tinubu: S/East strategy, Ojukwu’s appointment, road to 2027

The political landscape in Nigeria’s Southeast region under President Bola Tinubu is…