The glittering absurdities surrounding the recent attempt by the operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to arrest former Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello (GYB), with his “dramatic escape” culminating in his being declared a fugitive shed interesting insights into the psychology of fear and transiency of power.
It is the mystery of fear of the ability of the Nigerian “Big Boy” to manipulate the system that would make a team of arms- and warrant-of-arrest-bearing EFCC officers dilly-dally and bungle the apprehension of an “almighty” former governor for which it was mobilised.
In an apparent obsequious deference to GYB, they waited for him to make necessary contacts that would relieve them of the “onerous task” of effecting his arrest.
The other ugly face of fear in this matter prompts the question of whatever happened to the fearless “White Lion”! Could it be that GYB’s fear of his shadow began to haunt him after he failed to secure a call-off of the arrest from the powers that be?
Of course, he ordered and obtained a prompt back- up to resist or evade custody through the intervention of his installed Governor Usman Ododo who spirited him away — in full glare. It would appear Ododo’s wing of protection against legal arrest and the rule of law justified the contentious means by which GYB stopped at nothing to ensure the former became his successor.
Indeed, if we view these flurry of events in a non-literal sense, we would see a correlative contrast between the ephemeral prongs of power and the devastating fear of the barrel of the gun.
Power, like the gun, inspires confidence, invincibility and security when you have your finger on its trigger. Conversely, the most courageous or fearless of men become a shadow of their ruthless self when docked in the court of power.
Faced with the menacing fate that could befall him as a man who was “not just in government but in power”, the unrelenting onslaught of power he once wielded was palpable.
Think of the density of the moral baggage he would have to account for before the “lesser mortals “at the EFCC , the 17-count charge- albatross of financial impropriety around his neck and the cause of his buckling knees is evident.
It is also foreseeable that as his hope quotient for a high- wired intervention decreased with the statement of non- interference issued by Prince Lateef Fagbemi, the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, his desperation ratio increased; thus forcing his feet to outrun confidence.
Within an historical context , some critics have suggested that the embattled ex- governor who adopted the “Caligula leadership philosophy” of “let them hate me so long as they fear me” ran because his “reign of fear” had succumbed to the righteous reaction of the system.
By the way, Gaius Caesar Augustus Germvanicus (better known by his nickname, Caligula) was Roman emperor from AD 37 until his assassination in AD 41 .
According to records, Emperor Caligula, ascended the imperial throne as the young darling of the Romans — but ended his four-year reign with a reputation as an insanely cruel tyrant. He went from beloved prince to psychopath in a reign that quickly slid into humiliation, murder and madness.
It would rather remain in the realm of conjectural criticism that all GYB’s Caligula bravado which sacrificed decency and good governance on the altar of hate and fear mongering began to cower under the weight of Nemesis retribution.
With the real and perceived implications of the young GYB saga, typified by eight years ironfist reign that all but annihilated opposition, elevated nepotism to state policy with questionable appointments, the Caligula legacy would appear to be an unfanciful but curious parallel.
The relevant questions, at this point, are what could make the former no-nonsense ruler of Kogi State, a power broker of the ruling All Progressives Congress choose an option familiar only to a fleeing felon? What strategic calculations or miscalculations informed his reaction? Did he fall out of favour through commission or omission and could not secure a soft landing or slap on the wrist scolding gifted to political heavyweights of a political party in power?
Perhaps the young “White Lion” tried to twist the tail of the alpha Lion of Bourdillon, watchers have quipped.
His sympathisers have argued that his pell mell flight from the law was on protection of his fundamental human rights as enshrined in sections 35 (Right to Personal Liberty) and 41 (Right to Freedom of Movement) of the Nigerian Constitution and the enforcement of a subsisting court order seem to be the fulcrum of his defence to flee.
According to the genesis of the case, on 9th February 2024, the Kogi State High court granted an interim injunction restraining the EFCC from “continuing to harass, threaten to arrest, detain, prosecute” Bello, his former appointees, and his staff or family members, pending the hearing and determination of the substantive originating motion for the enforcement of his .
However, this order was appealed on 12th March 2024 and, in his judgement on 17th April 2024, Justice Isa Jamil Abdullahi, whilst retaining the interim injunction, made it clear he could not prevent the EFCC from carrying out its statutory duties of investigating and prosecuting cases relating to financial crimes. On that same day, the anti-graft agency obtained a warrant of arrest from an Abuja High Court stormed the residence to effect an arrest over money laundering allegation.
The EFCC had earlier dragged Bello; his nephew, Ali; one Dauda Sulaiman; and Abdulsalam Hudu before Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, Abuja, in an amended charge in March 2024 over an alleged N84bn money laundering.
But for his hubris and censorial romance with evanescent power, the erstwhile governor ought to have faced his ordeal as valiantly as he fought his political battles during his eight years in power. His consolation should have anchored on the fact all travails, no matter how indictable, can be vitiated by political expediency in Nigeria.
Otherwise, isn’t it the beauty of democracy and the rule of law that the Court of Appeal in Abuja could reject the Federal Government’s attempt to retry former Governor Orji Uzor Kalu of Abia State , now the Senator representing Abia North, in the N7.6 billion fraud case preferred against him. On 5th December 2019, Justice Mohammed Idris of the Federal High Court had sentenced the former governor to 12 years in prison for allegedly stealing public funds while in office.
Also, the Abia State Government House Director of Finance and Accounts during Kanu’s tenure, Ude Udeogu, was sentenced to 10 years in prison for the offence. EFCC had charged Kalu, Udeogu, and Kanu’s company, Slok Nigeria Limited for conspiracy and diversion of N7.65 billion from the coffers of the state.
Today, Kalu, having deployed a strategy that struck a balance between respect for the rule of law and political savvy, is a sitting Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
There are sufficient lessons and blessings discernable from GYB’s travails and triumphs that should make him more humane and accommodating of opposing views.
It’s time for him to take his admirable youthful passion for success with a mature recommendable compassion. It’s time to wake up from the fantasy of invincibility conferred by office and face the reality of ineluctably fate within the confines of the rule of law.
Failure to understand this dynamics would place him at odds with the emerging resolve of the President Bola Tinubu administration to distance itself from the culture of sacred cows which has continued to inhibit anti corruption fights in the past.
Jenrola, a seasoned journalist and communication consultant, wrote from Lagos
